By T. Michael Sullivan
Brian Turner, a veteran and a poet, explores the harsh realities of war in an Islamic context and utilizes the spaces inherent in Arabic poetry to narrate their truths.
There exists a long tradition of soldier-poets. Do you see yourself in that tradition, and where?
It’s a great question, but one I’ll leave for others to decide.
What does a poet who has seen violence, suffering and death try to convey in the solitary act of writing poetry?
When I was writing Here, Bullet I was mostly writing poems and diary entries into my journals when I’d return to the base after a mission, or series of missions. I think I was mostly trying to remember my own life, and to remember what was happening around me. It was a type of witness. I could see what was being reported by CNN, the BBC, and other news outlets. Still, there were things happening around me that felt important and crucial (while at the same time they went unreported). When I returned to the States and began typing up the poems I’d written, I had these poems as a means of trying to understand what had happened during the year I was there. They were avenues in to that process, which is still ongoing.
The book begins in love and language (“A Soldier’s Arabic”) and ends in the desiccation of sand (“To Sand”). Is there an intentional arc to the book?
I think of the last poem as more of a warning, though it may well be a type of desiccation. I tried to create sections which function on their own—as well as giving the reader a space to breathe and take in between the sections. Arabic poetry often uses space to offer the listener/reader a moment to add their own thoughts, input, meditation. I struggled, initially, in how to order the poems within the book itself. This struggle mirrored my inability to understand what I had experienced and how the pieces might form a whole. In the end, I chose not to follow a chronological sequencing of the poetry, nor to place events in the order in which they occurred. Instead, I think the book follows more of an emotional arc.
Here,Bullet has its geographical roots in Iraq and its spiritual roots in Islam. In that, it seems both rare and organic. Can you comment on this?
This is very kind to say. I was (and remain) fascinated by the land and its people. In the poems I had written previously to being in Iraq, I see now that I would often impose myself on the process and the content—the world of the poem I was hoping to create on the page. However, in Iraq, I didn’t consciously set out to write a book. The poems I wrote in my journals seemed to inform me (rather than me pressing my ideas into them). In this, and in other ways, my writing changed considerably while writing in Iraq. It is an incredible nation, a land with layers and layers of entire civilizations lifting it up into the present day.
In the title poem you almost exhort the bullet to find you and dare it to finish the task. Is this you or an impersonal narrator?
This poem seems, to me, to be the most personal poem in the entire book. It’s very much me (and not an impersonal narrator). The bravado of the poem, the challenging tone of it, is really just the mask of the fear which creates the voice itself. Still, after a few months of patrols and missions, the pressure of being there forged this poem, and surprised me.
In “Mihrab,” the opening poem of Section IV, you write:
and if a ghost can walk amazed
through the days of its life, then it is me….”
To me that statement seems central to much of the book. Would you care to explicate?
I divorced right before heading over to Iraq. I was older, too—in my 30’s. In a strange way, part of me thought I might not come home. And what was home, anyway? I had a storage unit with some of my personal belongings in it. A few bills, here and there. In a sense, I felt somewhat like a ghost still inhabiting this world. The walking dead, that kind of thing. In another sense, it’s what we all do for much of our lives—whenever we reminisce or whenever we ponder the future, we walk in a time that doesn’t quite exist, we wander as ghosts through the corridors of the world.
What are you working on now?
I’m revising my second book (Talk the Guns) which Alice James Books will publish in early 2010. It’s a book I avoided writing for quite a while, and then simply had to do. I would say it’s a book-end to Here, Bullet in that it brings the war home, and it takes this ‘home’ to war, as well.
I’m also working on a third collection of poetry (Lost Among the Tribes of War), which takes a turn into very different territory for me—although the title makes it appear as if it’s a continuation.
And, of course, there’s the whole process of trying to evolve as a human being. A difficult job, that.
Brian Turner is the author of Here, Bullet (Alice James Books, 2005). He has recently completed a second collection (Talk the Guns), which will be available from Alice James Books in early 2010. His work has appeared in The Georgia Review, The Virginia Quarterly Review, Poetry Daily, and the Crab Orchard Review, among others. He has received an NEA Fellowship in Poetry and a Fellowship from the Lannan Foundation. He currently lives in California and is working on his third collection of poetry.
T. Michael Sullivan is the coordinator of the William Joiner Center’s annual Writers’ Workshop at the University of Massachusetts Boston. He edits the center’s newsletter and has published poetry, most notably in the Poetry Ireland Review.
Wednesday, December 31, 2008
CONSEQUENCE
By George Kovach
CONSEQUENCE is a new literary magazine addressing the culture of war in the twenty-first century. By “culture of war” we mean a society’s conscious or unconscious attitude that armed conflict is a necessary means for resolving disputes perceived as threatening. Despite the lessons of history, many nations, ethnic groups and religious factions remain disposed to this attitude. The powerful perpetuate it. Our need to face this reality has never been more acute than it is today.
Literature and art have the potential to create and foster the discourse a democratic society needs to govern itself. Our postmodern world often challenges their efficacy, and in an era of digital technology readers are impatient, less inclined to engage a printed page for thoughtful consideration. Aware of these challenges, we are determined to attract and keep our readers’ interest by offering a range of expression that appeals intellectually and aesthetically, that invites them to step away from the numbing drone of news media and reflect.
Our goals include focused attention to wars in the Middle East. Future issues will expand coverage of their consequences, and introduce the works of a new generation as they emerge. In the brief history of our country, women’s voices usually spoke as witnesses and victims of the waste and suffering caused by war. Now we will increasingly learn of their personal experiences in combat, and come to realize how this affects all of us. Economic pressures on young men and women in the minorities of our society cause their disproportionate numbers in the military. We need to hear from them.
Even if we aren’t touched personally by war, the effects ripple through society and reach every one of us. The impact depends, in part, on how much we know. The mission of this magazine is to give readers access to the true meaning of war that none of the popular media offers. This issue looks back to conflicts of the previous century for historical context. To reflect the experience of other cultures, future issues will offer translations of writers who look at war from a different perspective. If Pound was on the mark when he said “literature is news that stays news,” you will find in these pages a fresh perspective on war and its consequences today.
CONSEQUENCE is a new literary magazine addressing the culture of war in the twenty-first century. By “culture of war” we mean a society’s conscious or unconscious attitude that armed conflict is a necessary means for resolving disputes perceived as threatening. Despite the lessons of history, many nations, ethnic groups and religious factions remain disposed to this attitude. The powerful perpetuate it. Our need to face this reality has never been more acute than it is today.
Literature and art have the potential to create and foster the discourse a democratic society needs to govern itself. Our postmodern world often challenges their efficacy, and in an era of digital technology readers are impatient, less inclined to engage a printed page for thoughtful consideration. Aware of these challenges, we are determined to attract and keep our readers’ interest by offering a range of expression that appeals intellectually and aesthetically, that invites them to step away from the numbing drone of news media and reflect.
Our goals include focused attention to wars in the Middle East. Future issues will expand coverage of their consequences, and introduce the works of a new generation as they emerge. In the brief history of our country, women’s voices usually spoke as witnesses and victims of the waste and suffering caused by war. Now we will increasingly learn of their personal experiences in combat, and come to realize how this affects all of us. Economic pressures on young men and women in the minorities of our society cause their disproportionate numbers in the military. We need to hear from them.
Even if we aren’t touched personally by war, the effects ripple through society and reach every one of us. The impact depends, in part, on how much we know. The mission of this magazine is to give readers access to the true meaning of war that none of the popular media offers. This issue looks back to conflicts of the previous century for historical context. To reflect the experience of other cultures, future issues will offer translations of writers who look at war from a different perspective. If Pound was on the mark when he said “literature is news that stays news,” you will find in these pages a fresh perspective on war and its consequences today.
Africa’s contribution to the changing face of veterans throughout the world
By Ron Armstead
The Association of Ex-Combatants of Mozambique recently celebrated its 20th anniversary, and the 36th anniversary of the National Liberation Struggle. Thirty-six countries participated, and a number of honored guests and observers from the continent of Africa and the world attended, including: His Excellency Dr. Kenneth Kaunda, former president of Zambia; Jabulani Sibanda, national chairman of the Zimbabwe War Veterans Association; Brig. Gen. Hashim Mbita, former executive secretary, Organization of African Unity’s Liberation Committee; and G. Madaraka Nyerere, the son of Tanzania’s late former president Julius Nyerere. Equally as important, the 14th Standing Committee on African Affairs of the World Veterans Federation meeting was planned to coincide with the Association of Ex-Combatants of the National Liberation Struggle celebration and National Victory Day on September 7th.
On September 1, 2008, three African-American veterans -- Anthony Hawkins, Dr. James Woodard and I (also a Joiner Center board member) -- formed the Congressional Black Caucus Veterans Braintrust Delegation and engaged in what we have come to call cultural diplomacy, not to be confused with U.S. diplomacy. In this setting cultural diplomacy is best described as the cultivation of African-American and African veterans’ relationships, the sharing of cultural bonds and revisiting world history through the prism of the African Diaspora in a social and cultural fusion that promotes peace, mutual support, respect and development. This, our first trip to the east coast of Africa, followed on the heels of the 25th World Veterans Federation (WVF) General Assembly Meeting held in Malaysia in 2006, and in the footsteps of Boston artist Paul Goodnight and Photographer Don West’s late 80’s trip to Mozambique, then under the leadership of Joaquim Chissano. Thus, Mozambique’s hosting of the WVF’s 14th Annual Standing Committee on African Affairs offered a rare opportunity to experience African hospitality firsthand, revisit world history, and provide a candid snapshot in time of an African nation emerging from the throes of colonialism (1505–1960’s), armed struggle (1964-1974), and counterrevolution (1980-1992/1994), an aftermath of a war era totaling 26 years.
The trip began with a 12-hour layover in Nairobi, Kenya, at the behest of Martin Owino (HIV/AIDs coordinator at the Veterans Benefits Clearinghouse, located in the Roxbury section of Boston) at his brothers’ home, and their families. Amid the persistent announcements of “You are home now” that confirmed our status as long-lost relatives. It was small wonder we took it as a positive sign and a good luck omen.
Next, we arrived in Maputo, the capital of Mozambique, and were transported to the Girassol Indy Village Resort. The next several days were spent on visits, tours, conference registration, working sessions, meetings, luncheons and dinners with other delegates from the following countries: Angola, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Mali, Ghana, Zimbabwe, Zambia, the Republic of Congo, Portugal, Norway, South Africa, Morocco and Mozambique.
After a five-hour bus ride to northern Mozambique and a visit to the birth place of Eduardo Mondlane, leader of FRELIMO and first president of a liberated Mozambique, we were greeted in his village with traditional dance, drumming and song, and singing by the Ex-Combatant Chorale. Two of his three adult children were on hand to welcome us and give us a guided tour of the grounds and the museum dedicated to their father’s legacy. Anthony Hawkins participated in one of three wreath-laying ceremonies at the grave of Mondlane’s mother.
Over the next few days we were given a tour of Maputo City. We took photographs at the Heroes Plaza, attended the September 7th Victory Day wreath-laying ceremony at the National Heroes Monument, and attended a formal dinner hosted by the president as well as a musical concert at Independence Square before a crowd of 10,000 people. Then came the official WVF SCAA opening ceremonies at the Joaquim Chissano Conference Center with speakers Rock Chooly, secretary general of ACLLN, Lt. Gen. (Ret.) Daniel Knobel, chairman of the SCAA, Abdul Hamid Ibrahim, president of WVF, and Armanda Guebuza, president of the Republic of Mozambique and president of ACLLN.
Lt. Gen. Daniel Knobel, chairman of the Standing Committee on African Affairs, opened the 14th annual meeting, explaining that the WVF has 27 African countries with 51 veterans’ federations or associations. However, only about half are paying member fees or participating in standing committees or general assemblies. In addition, he noted that communications with WVF headquarters in Paris, France, is highly problematic. Yet, he maintained that WVF is interested in increasing its numbers, communicating freely and openly, and being actively engaged throughout Africa, despite the fact that many African countries are facing military conflicts and/or natural disasters, in addition to poverty and substantially large populations of refugees. Within South Africa, he stated, xenophobic violence has risen, along with the physical, psychological and social disabilities associated with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in ex-combatants.
Consequently, Knobel has redoubled his efforts around developing TANTOR, an African Development Fund and the WVF Development Fund to address current challenges of an organizational nature. Also, he has submitted a formal request to the United Nation Trust Fund under the category of ‘urgent & priority’ for two projects: (1) subsidies for WVF members and future member fees, and (2) establishing and developing proper electronic communications channels and a web page. However, he still needs a footprint of communication needs per country and more information in order to achieve the stated objectives.
The 14th annual meeting of the Standing Committee on African Affairs took place within both a historical and contemporary international context. First, the historical context: Amilcar Cabral of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea & Cape Verde (PAIGC), Viriato da Cruz of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), and Eduardo Mondlane of the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO) all started in the late 50’s and early 60’s. Subsequently, leftist Army officers in Portugal
overthrew the Caetano government in Lisbon on April 25, 1974, leading to negotiated settlements with the colonies. These three conflicts (Mozambique, Angola & Guinea-Bissau), all initiated within the colonies, became known collectively as the Portuguese Colonial Wars (1961–1974) and, subsequently, resulted in liberation heroes ascending to leadership positions within their respective countries. Algeria (1963-1964), on the other hand, provided training to mobilize the population, prepare the people and start the resistance movement. Thus, Algeria, Morocco and Egypt played critical roles in supporting liberation movements, along with the Organization of African Unity (OAU), now known as the African Union.
Furthermore, ex-combatants specifically noted that NATO countries supported the Portuguese, with some sending troops or going to Vietnam to learn guerilla operations. Thus, the first time they saw napalm, helicopters and the airborne, etc., was in the late 60’s and/or early 70’s. Consequently, the same strategies and tactics used in Vietnam were also used in Mozambique. However, today 70 percent of Mozambique’s land has been de-mined. Although the country’s post-liberation laws and priorities focus on veterans, dependents and the disabled, Mozambique has limited capacity for providing assistance! Moreover, the liberation struggle and civil war government are responsible for public services, including medical and educational, accounting for 60 percent of the national budget.
Mozambican liberation fighters or ex-combatants, as they have come to be known, also express strong support for Zimbabwean land reform, indicating that Mozambique nationalized land immediately after independence. They also referenced Britain’s agreement to compensate whites as part of the Lancaster House Accords, but twenty years later it has not happened. They also noted that 75 percent of arable land in Zimbabwe is owned by whites!
In an international context numerous things have happened. First, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice traveled to Libya for a meeting with Muammar Gaddafi, the first trip by a U.S. secretary of state to a northern African country in 55 years, or since 1953. Second, China has established a political and economic presence in Africa, basically driven by China’s growing demand for imported raw materials and a need for new markets in which to sell exported goods. Third, the United States has activated its Africa Command (AFRICOM), which is designed to address new military demands on the continent. Some fear the U.S. government plans to use it to extend the war on terror onto the African continent, as part of efforts to suppress growing economic competition from China. Fourth, the death of Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, who was chairman of the South African Development Community (SADC), has had an impact. Zambia’s third president since independence from Britain in 1964, he was a vocal critic of Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe and not seen as beholden to older African leaders tied to liberation movements.
Colonialism
According to the ex-combatants, under colonialism there had been other uprisings, but all were unsuccessful. They noted that one aspect of the insidious nature of Mozambican colonialism was that indigenous or local blacks were only allowed a third-grade education. Higher than that was provided by church missionaries such as the Swiss Missionary. However, much of the school day was spent at work on the mission farms, and only a relatively small number of pupils advanced beyond the third grade each year. Africans were generally discouraged from attending high school and college. Nevertheless, despite colonialism’s racial oppression, African Mozambicans fought on behalf of the Portuguese in World War I and World War II, but were unrewarded. In World War I the Portuguese fought in France, Angola and Mozambique against the Germans. After World War I, part of German East Africa was added to Mozambique. During World War II they fought in Miramar, but not in Europe. However, African Mozambicans never received benefits such as pensions, or disabilities and, additionally, under colonialism were not allowed to organize into a veterans’ association. In contrast, the Portuguese Veterans Association was formed shortly after World War I, in 1923.
National Liberation Struggle
Further, according to Armando Guebuza, president of Mozambique and also the president of the Ex-Combatants Association and a National Liberation hero, the armed struggle started in 1964 with 250 guerillas, which later swelled by hundreds and, eventually, grew to thousands through logistical support. And now they are celebrating the 36th anniversary of the National Liberation Struggle and the 20th anniversary of the founding of the Ex-Combatants Association. Yet, challenges -- such as building and construction, inclusion and the improvement of Mozambique, particularly in rural areas – remain.
Counterrevolutionary Period (Additional Ex-Combatant Fighting)
During the counterrevolutionary period, the neighboring countries of white-ruled Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and, later, South Africa fueled and funded counterrevolutionaries (the Mozambican National Resistance, also known as RENAMO) in an attempt to destabilize the new governing body. Lastly, Mozambique’s ex-combatants fought to topple Idi Amin in Uganda.
Post-Colonialism
In Mozambique today there are approximately 30,000 ex-combatants, divided into two main groups: (1) liberation soldiers under three separate categories (a) fighters, (b) activists and (c) political prisoners, including women who fought side by side with men; and (2) the disabled (Association of Military and Paramilitary Disabled Servicemen of Mozambique – ADEMIMO).
The Country Itself – Mozambique
Founded in 1988, the Association of Ex-Combatants of the National Liberation Struggle is the dominant group; it is structured along a somewhat military or centralized model as follows: Armando Guebuza, head of state, is also the president of the Ex-Combatants Association; at the organizational level Rock Chooly is general secretary. The association’s newly dedicated headquarters is located in Maputo, with representatives located in all of the provinces (11) and districts (129), administrative posts (405) and/or new municipalities (33). Further, it holds a national conference annually, or as necessary – two or three times per year. A substantial portion of Mozambique’s ex-combatants or veterans population is concentrated essentially in two provinces: Zamezia and Nampula, in the northern area of Mozambique where the war began. Recently, they successfully established a private company, a for-profit entity.
Equally important, the Mozambican government is considered a “veterans’ government,” due in no small part to a FRELIMO candidate as president, and the winning of 160 seats in the parliament to the opposition’s 90. The larger citizenry is bound to liberation soldiers, or ex-combatants, but for how long is unclear. Furthermore, at every level local governments assist the ex-combatants association, regionally defining and addressing ex-combatants’ basic needs in terms of programs, issues, cases, services, etc. Finally, reports are mandated from the field and, ultimately, sent to national headquarters.
Mozambique was discovered in 1498 by Vasco de Gama and dubbed the “Land of the Good People.” The Portuguese first established forts and trading posts in the early 1500’s. By 1632, a military post was established along the Zambezi River, and Mozambique soon became a center of the Portuguese slave trade. In 1891, a number of private companies, such as the Mozambique Company, received area charters from Portugal. Largely controlled and financed by the British, they established railroad lines into neighboring countries. These areas reverted back to Portuguese authority in 1942 when the charters expired. Certain regions of the country, however, proved resistant to colonial control. In the south some tribes resisted control until 1895, while in the north sporadic uprisings persisted until as late as 1917.
A long and narrow strip of land, Mozambique is approximately 303,000 square miles and stretches north and south along the Indian Ocean. It is more than eight times larger than Portugal, twice the size of California, and ranks 35th in size in the world (after Pakistan); it is comparable in terms of size to Turkey.
Mozambique’s Challenges and Opportunities
Mozambique’s socio-economic challenges and opportunities are varied but begin with the major problem of a colonial infrastructure -- all four railway systems run east to west, connecting the interior to its ports. Compounding the problem of an aging colonial infrastructure was the damage inflicted by the Rhodesian Air Force in the
counterrevolutionary era (1980-1992) during which the country sustained major damage to bridges and roads. Subsequently, Mozambique has difficulty transporting goods and services from one province to another (an internal circulation problem). This is further aggravated by the fact that the regional infrastructure is hamstrung by ‘colonist origins, or design.’ It effectively inhibits the flow of goods and services between and within countries, leaving the entire Southern region of Africa -- Zimbabwe, Malawi, Tanzania, and others -- far less competitive due to a variety of barriers, such as tariffs, infrastructure, roads, etc.
In contrast, historically Mozambique has played a very strategic role in the regional economy as a pass-through country for getting goods from interior countries such as Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Swaziland and Tanzania to the coast for export to European markets.
Within this scenario of both challenges and opportunities, Mozambique’s natural and geographic resources -- 3,000 miles of coastline, fertile low coastal plains, five major rivers, three main ports and one natural deep-water port on the Indian Ocean -- have enormous potential for the future, so much so that Rock Chooly said the United States is interested in building a major military base. However, a U.S. diplomat said it is a rumor they have been trying hard to quash, stating America is not interested due to having Diego Garcia and other ports (the Port of Djibuti & Mombasa Harbor) along the African coast.
Other opportunities arise from the fact that only 12 percent of the country’s land is currently in use, while 88 percent of arable land goes uncultivated, and there are untapped coal reserves. Yet, the challenges that the president only generalized about at the WVF opening ceremonies abound: drought as a major problem in certain sections of the country, along with low-land flooding (such as in early 2000); lack of middle-income or affordable housing, with only high-end houses and shacks available; increased population migration to the coastal and urban areas (now Maxaquene is the largest ghetto in Maputo); unemployment as a major problem -- particularly among young men -- along with poverty (Mozambique’s per capita income is $350 per year, but was $80 or $85 in 1993); the inaccessibility of schools (in rural areas schools are located great distances away and children have to walk 13 kilometers or more); and the lack of foreign investment.
However, despite the aforementioned challenges, Mozambique has the fastest-growing economy on the continent of Africa. More specifically, as Dr. Woodard pointed out, it has the fastest-growing economy as an emerging market-based economy versus a mature economy such as South Africa’s. Equally important, the government has established stability -- initially with the 1975 accords, and, subsequently, in the 1994 elections -- which is considered a prerequisite for attracting major foreign investment and fostering long-term economic growth and development.
Upon our departure, General Secretary Rock Chooly commented: “We don’t know anything about veterans’ organizations and/or associations in the United States!” He then expressed a deep, abiding desire to establish brother-to-brother organizational relationships (i.e. Ex-Combatants Association of Mozambique to The Veterans Braintrust) structured along the sister cities model aimed at fostering organizational cooperation between our two groups. More specifically, Chooly indicated that he was interested more in signing a Memorandum of Action (M.O.A.) than a Memorandum of Understanding (M.O.U.). And, lastly, he invited us to return and tour the country to see ex-combatant projects scattered around the countryside.
Postscript
His Excellency, President Kenneth David Kaunda -- the founder of the Kaunda Peace Foundation and, with support from Sweden and Europe (CEDA and UNDC), the Kenneth Kaunda Children of Africa Foundation for fighting AIDS -- stated that AIDS, malaria and land mines are the major problem. He also stated that, in Zambia, he is not sure how actively ex-servicemen and women are involved with the WVF but, nonetheless, invited the WVF to Zambia.
Brig. Gen. Hashim Mbita, executive secretary for the Organization of African Unity’s Liberation Committee in the early 70’s, stated that for 40 years he has been associated with the struggle for liberation and peace and currently is patron for the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), a project documenting southern Africa’s liberation struggles. Its first publication is forthcoming next year. He saw Mozambique, Guinea, Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa and others liberated, while working with both civilian and military leaders. In terms of social issues, he hopes veterans can enjoy at least a minimum of facilities and services that affect their daily lives.
Mbita further recommended that WVF review the 1973-74 Geneva, Switzerland, International Red Cross Humanitarian Law debate as it applies to the question of armed conflicts or relating to freedom fighters, combatants and terrorists. He noted that there is no universal interpretation or meaning of the term “veteran”. An illustration of this is: ‘veterans fighting for the freedom of their country’ versus ‘veterans serving in the country’s military forces, or armed services’ versus ‘Freedom Fighters,’ often called ‘Terrorists’, as in the case of the Middle East.
He also outlined the problem of Tanzania’s veterans’ associations, which may lie in its colonial past. For example, during World War I, Tanzania participated with the Germans then, in World War II, with the allies or the British Legion, along with Ghana, Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), Nigeria, Malawi, and others.
Col. E.D.F. Prah, executive secretary, Ghana Association of Veterans (VAG), asserted that Ghana fought in both World War I and World War II and, afterward, soldiers marched on the presidency in 1948. Moreover, he said that a Ghanaian military history has been written but expressed ambivalence about its comprehensiveness. He commented that Ghana’s history includes pre-colonialism, colonialism and the post-colonial period, since independence in 1957.
NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLE (Calendar of Events)
1960 – Mueda Massacre (June 16th, 1960)
1962 – FRELIMO was founded
1964 – First Armed Struggle launched
1974 – Luanda Agreements signed in the capital of Angola
1975 – National Independence Day (June 25th, 1976)
1988 – Mozambique Ex-Combatants Association Founded (September 7th, 1988)
World Veterans Federation (WVF) (Attendees)
• Abdul Hamid Ibrahim, President
• Mohammed Benjelloun, Secretary General
• Lt. Gen. Daniel Knobel, Vice President
• Marie Elisabeth Sveri, Vice President
Bureau of the Standing Committee on African Affairs (SCAA)
• Lt. Gen. Daniel Knobel, Chair/President
• Capt. John Abdul Adole, Secretary Treasurer
WVF Delegates
• Angola – Association of War Disabled Ex-Servicemen
• Cameroon – National Office for War Veterans, Ex-Servicemen & Victims of War
• Republic of Congo – National Veterans Union (UNC-Congo)
• Cote D’ Ivoire – Association of War Veterans
• Ghana – Veterans Association of Ghana
• Mali – National Association of War Veterans and War Victims
• Morocco – High Commission of Former Resistants and Former Members of the Liberation Army & National Veterans Association
• Mozambique – Ex-Combatants Association of the National Liberation Struggle of Mozambique & Association of Military and Paramilitary Disabled Servicemen (ADEMIMO)
• Nigeria – Nigerian Legion
• South Africa – Council of Military Veterans Organizations of the Republic of South Africa (CMVO) & Curamus Association
• Portugal – Association of the Handicapped of the Armed Forces (ADFA) & Veterans League
Observers & Honorary Guest (Invitees)
• Tanzania – Brig. Gen. Hashim Mbita & G. Madaraka Nyerere, son of former President Julius Nyerere
• Zambia – His Excellency, President Kenneth David Kaunda
• South Africa – Nelson Mandela, former President of the Republic of South Africa
• Zimbabwe – Zimbabwe War Veterans Association
• United States – Congressional Black Caucus Veterans Braintrust
The Association of Ex-Combatants of Mozambique recently celebrated its 20th anniversary, and the 36th anniversary of the National Liberation Struggle. Thirty-six countries participated, and a number of honored guests and observers from the continent of Africa and the world attended, including: His Excellency Dr. Kenneth Kaunda, former president of Zambia; Jabulani Sibanda, national chairman of the Zimbabwe War Veterans Association; Brig. Gen. Hashim Mbita, former executive secretary, Organization of African Unity’s Liberation Committee; and G. Madaraka Nyerere, the son of Tanzania’s late former president Julius Nyerere. Equally as important, the 14th Standing Committee on African Affairs of the World Veterans Federation meeting was planned to coincide with the Association of Ex-Combatants of the National Liberation Struggle celebration and National Victory Day on September 7th.
On September 1, 2008, three African-American veterans -- Anthony Hawkins, Dr. James Woodard and I (also a Joiner Center board member) -- formed the Congressional Black Caucus Veterans Braintrust Delegation and engaged in what we have come to call cultural diplomacy, not to be confused with U.S. diplomacy. In this setting cultural diplomacy is best described as the cultivation of African-American and African veterans’ relationships, the sharing of cultural bonds and revisiting world history through the prism of the African Diaspora in a social and cultural fusion that promotes peace, mutual support, respect and development. This, our first trip to the east coast of Africa, followed on the heels of the 25th World Veterans Federation (WVF) General Assembly Meeting held in Malaysia in 2006, and in the footsteps of Boston artist Paul Goodnight and Photographer Don West’s late 80’s trip to Mozambique, then under the leadership of Joaquim Chissano. Thus, Mozambique’s hosting of the WVF’s 14th Annual Standing Committee on African Affairs offered a rare opportunity to experience African hospitality firsthand, revisit world history, and provide a candid snapshot in time of an African nation emerging from the throes of colonialism (1505–1960’s), armed struggle (1964-1974), and counterrevolution (1980-1992/1994), an aftermath of a war era totaling 26 years.
The trip began with a 12-hour layover in Nairobi, Kenya, at the behest of Martin Owino (HIV/AIDs coordinator at the Veterans Benefits Clearinghouse, located in the Roxbury section of Boston) at his brothers’ home, and their families. Amid the persistent announcements of “You are home now” that confirmed our status as long-lost relatives. It was small wonder we took it as a positive sign and a good luck omen.
Next, we arrived in Maputo, the capital of Mozambique, and were transported to the Girassol Indy Village Resort. The next several days were spent on visits, tours, conference registration, working sessions, meetings, luncheons and dinners with other delegates from the following countries: Angola, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Mali, Ghana, Zimbabwe, Zambia, the Republic of Congo, Portugal, Norway, South Africa, Morocco and Mozambique.
After a five-hour bus ride to northern Mozambique and a visit to the birth place of Eduardo Mondlane, leader of FRELIMO and first president of a liberated Mozambique, we were greeted in his village with traditional dance, drumming and song, and singing by the Ex-Combatant Chorale. Two of his three adult children were on hand to welcome us and give us a guided tour of the grounds and the museum dedicated to their father’s legacy. Anthony Hawkins participated in one of three wreath-laying ceremonies at the grave of Mondlane’s mother.
Over the next few days we were given a tour of Maputo City. We took photographs at the Heroes Plaza, attended the September 7th Victory Day wreath-laying ceremony at the National Heroes Monument, and attended a formal dinner hosted by the president as well as a musical concert at Independence Square before a crowd of 10,000 people. Then came the official WVF SCAA opening ceremonies at the Joaquim Chissano Conference Center with speakers Rock Chooly, secretary general of ACLLN, Lt. Gen. (Ret.) Daniel Knobel, chairman of the SCAA, Abdul Hamid Ibrahim, president of WVF, and Armanda Guebuza, president of the Republic of Mozambique and president of ACLLN.
Lt. Gen. Daniel Knobel, chairman of the Standing Committee on African Affairs, opened the 14th annual meeting, explaining that the WVF has 27 African countries with 51 veterans’ federations or associations. However, only about half are paying member fees or participating in standing committees or general assemblies. In addition, he noted that communications with WVF headquarters in Paris, France, is highly problematic. Yet, he maintained that WVF is interested in increasing its numbers, communicating freely and openly, and being actively engaged throughout Africa, despite the fact that many African countries are facing military conflicts and/or natural disasters, in addition to poverty and substantially large populations of refugees. Within South Africa, he stated, xenophobic violence has risen, along with the physical, psychological and social disabilities associated with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in ex-combatants.
Consequently, Knobel has redoubled his efforts around developing TANTOR, an African Development Fund and the WVF Development Fund to address current challenges of an organizational nature. Also, he has submitted a formal request to the United Nation Trust Fund under the category of ‘urgent & priority’ for two projects: (1) subsidies for WVF members and future member fees, and (2) establishing and developing proper electronic communications channels and a web page. However, he still needs a footprint of communication needs per country and more information in order to achieve the stated objectives.
The 14th annual meeting of the Standing Committee on African Affairs took place within both a historical and contemporary international context. First, the historical context: Amilcar Cabral of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea & Cape Verde (PAIGC), Viriato da Cruz of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), and Eduardo Mondlane of the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO) all started in the late 50’s and early 60’s. Subsequently, leftist Army officers in Portugal
overthrew the Caetano government in Lisbon on April 25, 1974, leading to negotiated settlements with the colonies. These three conflicts (Mozambique, Angola & Guinea-Bissau), all initiated within the colonies, became known collectively as the Portuguese Colonial Wars (1961–1974) and, subsequently, resulted in liberation heroes ascending to leadership positions within their respective countries. Algeria (1963-1964), on the other hand, provided training to mobilize the population, prepare the people and start the resistance movement. Thus, Algeria, Morocco and Egypt played critical roles in supporting liberation movements, along with the Organization of African Unity (OAU), now known as the African Union.
Furthermore, ex-combatants specifically noted that NATO countries supported the Portuguese, with some sending troops or going to Vietnam to learn guerilla operations. Thus, the first time they saw napalm, helicopters and the airborne, etc., was in the late 60’s and/or early 70’s. Consequently, the same strategies and tactics used in Vietnam were also used in Mozambique. However, today 70 percent of Mozambique’s land has been de-mined. Although the country’s post-liberation laws and priorities focus on veterans, dependents and the disabled, Mozambique has limited capacity for providing assistance! Moreover, the liberation struggle and civil war government are responsible for public services, including medical and educational, accounting for 60 percent of the national budget.
Mozambican liberation fighters or ex-combatants, as they have come to be known, also express strong support for Zimbabwean land reform, indicating that Mozambique nationalized land immediately after independence. They also referenced Britain’s agreement to compensate whites as part of the Lancaster House Accords, but twenty years later it has not happened. They also noted that 75 percent of arable land in Zimbabwe is owned by whites!
In an international context numerous things have happened. First, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice traveled to Libya for a meeting with Muammar Gaddafi, the first trip by a U.S. secretary of state to a northern African country in 55 years, or since 1953. Second, China has established a political and economic presence in Africa, basically driven by China’s growing demand for imported raw materials and a need for new markets in which to sell exported goods. Third, the United States has activated its Africa Command (AFRICOM), which is designed to address new military demands on the continent. Some fear the U.S. government plans to use it to extend the war on terror onto the African continent, as part of efforts to suppress growing economic competition from China. Fourth, the death of Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, who was chairman of the South African Development Community (SADC), has had an impact. Zambia’s third president since independence from Britain in 1964, he was a vocal critic of Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe and not seen as beholden to older African leaders tied to liberation movements.
Colonialism
According to the ex-combatants, under colonialism there had been other uprisings, but all were unsuccessful. They noted that one aspect of the insidious nature of Mozambican colonialism was that indigenous or local blacks were only allowed a third-grade education. Higher than that was provided by church missionaries such as the Swiss Missionary. However, much of the school day was spent at work on the mission farms, and only a relatively small number of pupils advanced beyond the third grade each year. Africans were generally discouraged from attending high school and college. Nevertheless, despite colonialism’s racial oppression, African Mozambicans fought on behalf of the Portuguese in World War I and World War II, but were unrewarded. In World War I the Portuguese fought in France, Angola and Mozambique against the Germans. After World War I, part of German East Africa was added to Mozambique. During World War II they fought in Miramar, but not in Europe. However, African Mozambicans never received benefits such as pensions, or disabilities and, additionally, under colonialism were not allowed to organize into a veterans’ association. In contrast, the Portuguese Veterans Association was formed shortly after World War I, in 1923.
National Liberation Struggle
Further, according to Armando Guebuza, president of Mozambique and also the president of the Ex-Combatants Association and a National Liberation hero, the armed struggle started in 1964 with 250 guerillas, which later swelled by hundreds and, eventually, grew to thousands through logistical support. And now they are celebrating the 36th anniversary of the National Liberation Struggle and the 20th anniversary of the founding of the Ex-Combatants Association. Yet, challenges -- such as building and construction, inclusion and the improvement of Mozambique, particularly in rural areas – remain.
Counterrevolutionary Period (Additional Ex-Combatant Fighting)
During the counterrevolutionary period, the neighboring countries of white-ruled Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and, later, South Africa fueled and funded counterrevolutionaries (the Mozambican National Resistance, also known as RENAMO) in an attempt to destabilize the new governing body. Lastly, Mozambique’s ex-combatants fought to topple Idi Amin in Uganda.
Post-Colonialism
In Mozambique today there are approximately 30,000 ex-combatants, divided into two main groups: (1) liberation soldiers under three separate categories (a) fighters, (b) activists and (c) political prisoners, including women who fought side by side with men; and (2) the disabled (Association of Military and Paramilitary Disabled Servicemen of Mozambique – ADEMIMO).
The Country Itself – Mozambique
Founded in 1988, the Association of Ex-Combatants of the National Liberation Struggle is the dominant group; it is structured along a somewhat military or centralized model as follows: Armando Guebuza, head of state, is also the president of the Ex-Combatants Association; at the organizational level Rock Chooly is general secretary. The association’s newly dedicated headquarters is located in Maputo, with representatives located in all of the provinces (11) and districts (129), administrative posts (405) and/or new municipalities (33). Further, it holds a national conference annually, or as necessary – two or three times per year. A substantial portion of Mozambique’s ex-combatants or veterans population is concentrated essentially in two provinces: Zamezia and Nampula, in the northern area of Mozambique where the war began. Recently, they successfully established a private company, a for-profit entity.
Equally important, the Mozambican government is considered a “veterans’ government,” due in no small part to a FRELIMO candidate as president, and the winning of 160 seats in the parliament to the opposition’s 90. The larger citizenry is bound to liberation soldiers, or ex-combatants, but for how long is unclear. Furthermore, at every level local governments assist the ex-combatants association, regionally defining and addressing ex-combatants’ basic needs in terms of programs, issues, cases, services, etc. Finally, reports are mandated from the field and, ultimately, sent to national headquarters.
Mozambique was discovered in 1498 by Vasco de Gama and dubbed the “Land of the Good People.” The Portuguese first established forts and trading posts in the early 1500’s. By 1632, a military post was established along the Zambezi River, and Mozambique soon became a center of the Portuguese slave trade. In 1891, a number of private companies, such as the Mozambique Company, received area charters from Portugal. Largely controlled and financed by the British, they established railroad lines into neighboring countries. These areas reverted back to Portuguese authority in 1942 when the charters expired. Certain regions of the country, however, proved resistant to colonial control. In the south some tribes resisted control until 1895, while in the north sporadic uprisings persisted until as late as 1917.
A long and narrow strip of land, Mozambique is approximately 303,000 square miles and stretches north and south along the Indian Ocean. It is more than eight times larger than Portugal, twice the size of California, and ranks 35th in size in the world (after Pakistan); it is comparable in terms of size to Turkey.
Mozambique’s Challenges and Opportunities
Mozambique’s socio-economic challenges and opportunities are varied but begin with the major problem of a colonial infrastructure -- all four railway systems run east to west, connecting the interior to its ports. Compounding the problem of an aging colonial infrastructure was the damage inflicted by the Rhodesian Air Force in the
counterrevolutionary era (1980-1992) during which the country sustained major damage to bridges and roads. Subsequently, Mozambique has difficulty transporting goods and services from one province to another (an internal circulation problem). This is further aggravated by the fact that the regional infrastructure is hamstrung by ‘colonist origins, or design.’ It effectively inhibits the flow of goods and services between and within countries, leaving the entire Southern region of Africa -- Zimbabwe, Malawi, Tanzania, and others -- far less competitive due to a variety of barriers, such as tariffs, infrastructure, roads, etc.
In contrast, historically Mozambique has played a very strategic role in the regional economy as a pass-through country for getting goods from interior countries such as Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Swaziland and Tanzania to the coast for export to European markets.
Within this scenario of both challenges and opportunities, Mozambique’s natural and geographic resources -- 3,000 miles of coastline, fertile low coastal plains, five major rivers, three main ports and one natural deep-water port on the Indian Ocean -- have enormous potential for the future, so much so that Rock Chooly said the United States is interested in building a major military base. However, a U.S. diplomat said it is a rumor they have been trying hard to quash, stating America is not interested due to having Diego Garcia and other ports (the Port of Djibuti & Mombasa Harbor) along the African coast.
Other opportunities arise from the fact that only 12 percent of the country’s land is currently in use, while 88 percent of arable land goes uncultivated, and there are untapped coal reserves. Yet, the challenges that the president only generalized about at the WVF opening ceremonies abound: drought as a major problem in certain sections of the country, along with low-land flooding (such as in early 2000); lack of middle-income or affordable housing, with only high-end houses and shacks available; increased population migration to the coastal and urban areas (now Maxaquene is the largest ghetto in Maputo); unemployment as a major problem -- particularly among young men -- along with poverty (Mozambique’s per capita income is $350 per year, but was $80 or $85 in 1993); the inaccessibility of schools (in rural areas schools are located great distances away and children have to walk 13 kilometers or more); and the lack of foreign investment.
However, despite the aforementioned challenges, Mozambique has the fastest-growing economy on the continent of Africa. More specifically, as Dr. Woodard pointed out, it has the fastest-growing economy as an emerging market-based economy versus a mature economy such as South Africa’s. Equally important, the government has established stability -- initially with the 1975 accords, and, subsequently, in the 1994 elections -- which is considered a prerequisite for attracting major foreign investment and fostering long-term economic growth and development.
Upon our departure, General Secretary Rock Chooly commented: “We don’t know anything about veterans’ organizations and/or associations in the United States!” He then expressed a deep, abiding desire to establish brother-to-brother organizational relationships (i.e. Ex-Combatants Association of Mozambique to The Veterans Braintrust) structured along the sister cities model aimed at fostering organizational cooperation between our two groups. More specifically, Chooly indicated that he was interested more in signing a Memorandum of Action (M.O.A.) than a Memorandum of Understanding (M.O.U.). And, lastly, he invited us to return and tour the country to see ex-combatant projects scattered around the countryside.
Postscript
His Excellency, President Kenneth David Kaunda -- the founder of the Kaunda Peace Foundation and, with support from Sweden and Europe (CEDA and UNDC), the Kenneth Kaunda Children of Africa Foundation for fighting AIDS -- stated that AIDS, malaria and land mines are the major problem. He also stated that, in Zambia, he is not sure how actively ex-servicemen and women are involved with the WVF but, nonetheless, invited the WVF to Zambia.
Brig. Gen. Hashim Mbita, executive secretary for the Organization of African Unity’s Liberation Committee in the early 70’s, stated that for 40 years he has been associated with the struggle for liberation and peace and currently is patron for the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), a project documenting southern Africa’s liberation struggles. Its first publication is forthcoming next year. He saw Mozambique, Guinea, Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa and others liberated, while working with both civilian and military leaders. In terms of social issues, he hopes veterans can enjoy at least a minimum of facilities and services that affect their daily lives.
Mbita further recommended that WVF review the 1973-74 Geneva, Switzerland, International Red Cross Humanitarian Law debate as it applies to the question of armed conflicts or relating to freedom fighters, combatants and terrorists. He noted that there is no universal interpretation or meaning of the term “veteran”. An illustration of this is: ‘veterans fighting for the freedom of their country’ versus ‘veterans serving in the country’s military forces, or armed services’ versus ‘Freedom Fighters,’ often called ‘Terrorists’, as in the case of the Middle East.
He also outlined the problem of Tanzania’s veterans’ associations, which may lie in its colonial past. For example, during World War I, Tanzania participated with the Germans then, in World War II, with the allies or the British Legion, along with Ghana, Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), Nigeria, Malawi, and others.
Col. E.D.F. Prah, executive secretary, Ghana Association of Veterans (VAG), asserted that Ghana fought in both World War I and World War II and, afterward, soldiers marched on the presidency in 1948. Moreover, he said that a Ghanaian military history has been written but expressed ambivalence about its comprehensiveness. He commented that Ghana’s history includes pre-colonialism, colonialism and the post-colonial period, since independence in 1957.
NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLE (Calendar of Events)
1960 – Mueda Massacre (June 16th, 1960)
1962 – FRELIMO was founded
1964 – First Armed Struggle launched
1974 – Luanda Agreements signed in the capital of Angola
1975 – National Independence Day (June 25th, 1976)
1988 – Mozambique Ex-Combatants Association Founded (September 7th, 1988)
World Veterans Federation (WVF) (Attendees)
• Abdul Hamid Ibrahim, President
• Mohammed Benjelloun, Secretary General
• Lt. Gen. Daniel Knobel, Vice President
• Marie Elisabeth Sveri, Vice President
Bureau of the Standing Committee on African Affairs (SCAA)
• Lt. Gen. Daniel Knobel, Chair/President
• Capt. John Abdul Adole, Secretary Treasurer
WVF Delegates
• Angola – Association of War Disabled Ex-Servicemen
• Cameroon – National Office for War Veterans, Ex-Servicemen & Victims of War
• Republic of Congo – National Veterans Union (UNC-Congo)
• Cote D’ Ivoire – Association of War Veterans
• Ghana – Veterans Association of Ghana
• Mali – National Association of War Veterans and War Victims
• Morocco – High Commission of Former Resistants and Former Members of the Liberation Army & National Veterans Association
• Mozambique – Ex-Combatants Association of the National Liberation Struggle of Mozambique & Association of Military and Paramilitary Disabled Servicemen (ADEMIMO)
• Nigeria – Nigerian Legion
• South Africa – Council of Military Veterans Organizations of the Republic of South Africa (CMVO) & Curamus Association
• Portugal – Association of the Handicapped of the Armed Forces (ADFA) & Veterans League
Observers & Honorary Guest (Invitees)
• Tanzania – Brig. Gen. Hashim Mbita & G. Madaraka Nyerere, son of former President Julius Nyerere
• Zambia – His Excellency, President Kenneth David Kaunda
• South Africa – Nelson Mandela, former President of the Republic of South Africa
• Zimbabwe – Zimbabwe War Veterans Association
• United States – Congressional Black Caucus Veterans Braintrust
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